Home > Internet > Ottawa Globalive Appeal: Open Network Fans Should Beware the Strong Arm of the State

Ottawa Globalive Appeal: Open Network Fans Should Beware the Strong Arm of the State

In several of my previous posts, I talked about the current Government’s penchant for intervening in the CRTC’s affairs and bringing about policies that it had been unable to do by normal routes. I have also argued that such interventions have played a crucial role in transforming the Internet from a user-controlled and open model to a provider-controlled, pay-per medium.  Without any formal changes in policy or law, the Internet has been changed beyond recognition. All the while, the Government sings from the rooftops that it is the champion of competition, innovation and the consumer.  It is doubtful that it is any of these.

In December 2009, the Government stepped into reverse another decision: this time it was the CRTC’s decision to reject Wind Mobile’s bid to become a new player in the Canada’s notoriously uncompetitive and technologically backwards wireless industry that was over-ruled.  Wind Mobile was rejected because most of the cash behind the company came from an Egyptian company, Orascom, and while most of the directors would be Canadian, the CRTC ruled that ownership conferred control in fact. The bid was not in synch with Telecommunications Act’s restrictions.

Foreign ownership has been a perennial issue in Canada, and especially in the last decade or so.  While the discussion has been endless, there has been no decision by the Canadian government to change the law.  The Industry Minister’s decision in 2009 to over-rule the CRTC and green-light Wind Mobile was essentially an attempt to change the law by stealth.  The introduction of Wind Mobile was no doubt a much needed shot in the arm for an anemic industry.  Yet, doing end runs around the law and ramming the Government’s choices down the regulator’s throat is not the proper way to do this; either a change in the existing Telecommunications Act or a new law altogether is the right way to go.

The Order in Council overturning the CRTC in the Wind Mobile was declared illegal on February 4, 2011 by a Federal Court. Industry Minister Tony Clement served notice on February 15th that the Government is appealing the court’s decision. This will certainly keep Wind Mobile on life support for a while, but it will do nothing but delay action on foreign ownership.

The problem in all of this is that we have policy by stealth and hand-to-hand combat. This is the strong state in action, and the state, to paraphrase Napolean, is Harper.  Clement’s announcement of the appeal was also accompanied by a statement meant to counter charges that it has been playing heavy-handedly with the CRTC. That is a point that I’ve been making in the past several posts. Clement wasn’t responding to me, however, but to comments made by former Liberal appointed chairwoman of the CRTC, Francoise Bertrand and another former vice-chairman of the agency, Richard French.  Both have argued in the past few weeks that such constant meddling is deeply politicizing the regulatory process and rendering the telecoms environment opaque and chaotic.

Bertrand has been denounced by Open Media and P2P.Net as an industry hack and well-connected spearhead of Quebec industry, including Quebecor (Sun Media, TVA, Videotron), where she is a board of director.  Undoubtedly, her interests are aligned with her corporate masters, but at least in this instance being against the Cabinet Directives in either the CRTC’s UBB or Wind Mobile doesn’t put you on the wrong side of the issue.

Open Media and P2P.Net’s, among others, push for much greater competition and an open Internet are indeed worthy goals, and I’m fully in support of them.  These groups have been instrumental in fomenting opposition to the recent UBB decision. On the issue of Cabinet Directives, however, Bertrand is right.  Regulation on a short leash is deeply problematic, and while it may get what we wish for with respect to the UBB decision and Wind Mobile, it is not the way to create a real competition, diversity and open media. In fact, it is the exact opposite. We should be leery of relying on the strong arm of the state to bring about ends that we might seek.

That Bertrand was on the mark is reflected in the fact that Clement directly took aim at her charges by trying to repudiate them when announcing that it would appeal the Federal Court decision on Wind Mobile (Globalive).  Indeed, an essential paragraph in the announcement aimed to give the impression that the Government has only meddled modestly in the CRTC’s affairs:

“Since 2006, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission has issued approximately 2,200 telecommunications decisions. During this period, there have been 13 CRTC decisions that have been formally reviewed by the Governor in Council. Of those, the Government has upheld seven decisions, varied three, and referred three back to the CRTC for reconsideration.”

In fact, however, 13 interventions into the CRTC’s telecoms decisions within five years is a lot. From 2001 until 2005, governments of the day intervened 7 times, in the five years before that 8 times, and between 1990 and 1995, just 4 (see Privy Council Office’s Order-in-Council database). Matters are different (in many ways) for broadcasting, but in the matter of telecoms, this is the strong state in action.

So, make no mistake about it, 13 interventions in the past five years is high. The CRTC has been put on a short-leash.  The use of Cabinet Directives has consequences that are sometimes ambiguous, and some that are good for competition (Wind Mobile), but it has also deterred greater competition in services, blocked speed-matching for ISPs, encouraged greater deference to incumbents’ investment plans and business models, and opened the door for UBB.  The crumbs off the table that may accrue from the Government’s likely overturning of the January 25th UBB decision by the CRTC, unless the agency beats them to it, are not even close to making up for such strong intervention into media matters.

Those who think that the Government’s directive-happy instincts can opportunistically be turned to their own advantage, I believe, are going to wake up very soon to find that they are sadly mistaken.

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